Group 1 - The "Genesis Plan" aims to integrate federal data resources, supercomputing capabilities from national laboratories, research institutions, and private tech companies to build a national-level research infrastructure centered on artificial intelligence, accelerating scientific discovery in key areas such as energy, materials, and life sciences [1] - The strategic logic behind the plan is to establish a "technological imperialism" characterized by research and infrastructure hegemony, ensuring the U.S. retains structural advantages in frontier scientific fields [1][2] - The plan is compared to the Manhattan Project in terms of its urgency and ambition, with the goal of achieving "national technological dominance" and "global competitive advantage" [1] Group 2 - The "Genesis Plan" constructs an "alliance-type" scientific order that locks global technological innovation paths to U.S. standards, platforms, and security frameworks, with data resources selectively open to "trusted allies," private enterprises, and domestic research institutions [2] - The shift from open international research collaboration to a focus on security will reshape the global research ecosystem, enhancing U.S. influence in global research governance, standards, and norms [2] Group 3 - The plan is expected to accelerate geopolitical fragmentation of research and the grouping of technological governance, leading to competitive responses from other nations that may establish their own large-scale scientific models [3] - The competition will not only revolve around chips and consumer-level AI but also involve research infrastructure and strategic industrial capabilities, with advanced research knowledge in energy, materials, healthcare, and quantum fields becoming strategic resources [3] Group 4 - The "Genesis Plan" will alter the global knowledge production system, exacerbating asymmetries and dependencies in global technological power structures, creating a "center-periphery" dynamic [4] - The U.S. will leverage its vast data resources and computational power to exert structural control over global research and technological infrastructure, potentially marginalizing countries in the Global South and creating a "computational divide" [4]