Core Viewpoint - The article discusses the significance of October 25 as Taiwan's Restoration Day, marking the end of Japanese colonial rule and the return of Taiwan to China, celebrated through various songs and cultural activities, but facing challenges in recent years due to political changes [1][2][3][4]. Group 1: Historical Significance - October 25, 1945, marks the day Taiwan was restored to China after 50 years of Japanese colonial rule, celebrated by the Taiwanese people with joy and festivities [1]. - The day was officially designated as "Taiwan Restoration Day" the following year, with the creation of the "Taiwan Restoration Memorial Song" reflecting the joy of the people [2]. Group 2: Cultural Impact - The "Taiwan Restoration Memorial Song" has been a significant cultural piece, included in school music curricula, and has become a symbol of collective memory for generations [2]. - Various other songs related to Taiwan's restoration have also been created and sung, contributing to the cultural heritage of the island [2]. Group 3: Political Context - The celebration of Taiwan Restoration Day has faced political challenges, particularly during the administrations of Lee Teng-hui and Chen Shui-bian, who downplayed its significance and changed the holiday to "End of War Memorial Day" [2][4]. - The Democratic Progressive Party's (DPP) governance has led to a decline in the observance of this day, with related activities being canceled and the song fading from public memory [3][4]. Group 4: Recent Developments - In May of this year, the Legislative Yuan passed a proposal to restore October 25 as a public holiday, indicating a resurgence of interest in commemorating Taiwan's restoration [4]. - Despite the DPP's attempts to diminish the historical significance of the day, there remains a strong sentiment among certain groups in Taiwan to remember and celebrate this important historical event [4].

Core Viewpoint - The article discusses the potential political strategies of Lai Ching-te and the implications of the recent election of Zheng Liwen as the new chairperson of the Kuomintang (KMT), emphasizing the challenges and risks involved in the upcoming elections [4][5][6]. Group 1: Political Landscape - Zheng Liwen's election as KMT chairperson with over half of the votes signifies a shift in the party's approach towards cross-strait relations, aiming to clarify the "One China" principle and counter "Taiwan independence" sentiments [4][5]. - The article suggests that if the KMT performs well in the 2026 local elections, it could increase the likelihood of Lai Ching-te taking risky actions in the 2028 presidential election [4][6]. Group 2: Strategies and Risks - Zheng Liwen's strategy involves a two-pronged approach with her and Lu Xiuyan alternating in leadership roles, which poses a significant challenge to Lai Ching-te [6]. - The article speculates that Lai Ching-te might resort to extreme measures, such as declaring martial law, to secure electoral victory, although this is deemed unlikely due to the potential repercussions from mainland China [7][8]. - Lai's possible risky actions could include creating a self-inflicted crisis to garner sympathy from voters or targeting political opponents through legal means [8].

以下文章来源于首席侧写师 ，作者阳明山人 首席侧写师 . 观人，鉴历史，知天地。 2025年10月18日，中国国民党主席选举落下帷幕，郑丽文以显著优势胜出，成为该党历史上第二位女 性主席，更是首位从民进党阵营转投国民党后执掌党权的"跨党派"掌舵人。这位出身眷村、曾放弃模特 生涯的法学硕士，用三十年政坛沉浮书写了独特的人生轨迹。 图源：网络 初入政坛的郑丽文，具有强烈的反抗"黑金政治"的倾向。上世纪90年代，国民党内部腐败滋生，出于 对这种"黑金政治"现象的厌恶，郑丽文选择了看上去"更有希望"的民进党，并一路顺风顺水。1999年 郑丽文出任民进党"国大"党团副总召集人，更凭借政论节目"火线双娇"成为家喻户晓的"绿营名嘴"， 引得当时的党内大佬们纷纷费心拉拢。但这份顺遂在2002年戛然而止——因在节目中批评当局政要， 触碰到党内某些人核心利益，她遭到党内高层打压。在"恶劣的党派作风使我无法忍受"的愤懑之下，郑 丽文毅然决定退出民进党，开启了人生的第一次重大转向。 离开政坛的日子里，郑丽文并未沉寂。她一边主持节目维持公众影响力，一边赴英国剑桥大学攻读国际 关系学，开始重新审视两岸关系与台湾政坛生态。2004年，她主 ...

10月18日，国民党主席选举落幕，郑丽文以过半得票率当选，将于11月1日正式就任新一届中国国民党主席。 综合郑丽文选举前后的表态以及岛内媒体海量的报道和评论，笔者觉得，可以用京剧《穆桂英挂帅》那段经典唱词来形容这段时间以来郑丽文的豪情和 心情： "猛听得金鼓响画角声震，唤起我破天门壮志凌云。想当年桃花马上威风凛凛，敌血飞溅石榴裙。有生之日责当尽，寸土怎能够属于他人。番王小丑何足 论，我一剑能挡百万的兵。" 郑丽文摆出了"一剑能挡百万兵"的气势，赖清德会吓得瑟瑟发抖吗？ 当然不会。 笔者的预判是，郑丽文披挂上阵之后，如果国民党在2026年的县市长选举中稳住阵脚或者扩大战果，从而大幅度提高赢得2028大选的可能性，那么，赖 清德在2028年铤而走险的几率就会大幅度增加。 分析如下： 首先，郑丽文在两岸论述上的拨乱反正是对"台独"势力的釜底抽薪。 根据大陆权威媒体的报道，在回复大陆的贺电中，郑丽文明确表示"海峡两岸于1992年达成各自以口头方式表达坚持一个中国原则的共识"。在笔者的记 忆中，这是近年来国民党主席难得一见的明确将一个中国原则与"九二共识"划上等号的表述。这个表述与国民党之前半遮半掩的"一中各表"，有本 ...

Core Viewpoint - The article discusses the differing political stances of the Kuomintang (KMT) leadership in relation to various elections, highlighting the emphasis on the concept of "China" during the party chair election, while downplaying it in the context of the Taiwan election, focusing instead on opposing "Taiwan independence" [5][8]. Group 1: Party Chair Election - The KMT will hold its party chair election on October 18, with candidates emphasizing the concept of "China" [5][9]. - Candidate Zhang Yazhong expressed a sense of despair during the debate, indicating that the KMT has not truly governed Taiwan since Chiang Ching-kuo, and criticized previous leaders for their roles in promoting "Taiwan independence" [6][7]. - Zhang also lamented the loss of the party's spirit and the abandonment of Sun Yat-sen's ideology, criticizing the educational curriculum changes that have marginalized Chinese history [8]. Group 2: Candidate Dynamics - The current KMT membership demographics show that over 65% are aged 60 and above, which influences candidates to emphasize Chinese identity [9]. - If candidate Hao Longbin wins, there may be a shift of the KMT towards the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), as indicated by his more conciliatory language towards the DPP [10]. - Conversely, if candidate Zheng Liwen wins, collaboration with the People's Party may become smoother, potentially leading to joint candidates in future elections [11]. Group 3: Policy and Strategy - Hao Longbin's recent crisis management efforts included announcing five major policies regarding cross-strait relations, aiming to gain the support of older KMT members [12]. - Zhang Yazhong criticized Hao's policies, suggesting a significant gap in their understanding of cross-strait issues [12][13]. - The contrasting styles of Zhang and Zhao Shaokang highlight the differences between a scholar's approach and a politician's pragmatism [14].

Core Viewpoint - The upcoming Kuomintang (KMT) party chair election on October 18 is marked by Zhang Yazhong's desperate and passionate appeal, reflecting a sense of hopelessness regarding the party's future and its historical significance [2][3][4]. Group 1: Zhang Yazhong's Perspectives - Zhang argues that since Chiang Ching-kuo, the KMT has not truly governed Taiwan, citing Lee Teng-hui's betrayal and the rise of pro-independence sentiments as detrimental to the party [3][4]. - He emphasizes the loss of the party's core values and the abandonment of Sun Yat-sen's ideology, criticizing the educational curriculum changes that have erased Chinese history from Taiwanese education [3][4]. Group 2: Election Dynamics - The KMT's current membership demographics show a significant aging population, with over 65% being over 60 years old, which influences candidates to emphasize Chinese identity during the party chair election [4]. - The potential outcomes of the election could lead to different strategic directions for the KMT, with possible shifts towards cooperation with the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) if candidate Hau Lung-bin wins, or smoother collaboration with the People First Party if candidate Zheng Li-wen wins [5][6]. Group 3: Candidate Comparisons - Zhang Yazhong positions himself as a scholar with a deep understanding of cross-strait relations, contrasting with Hau Lung-bin's political maneuvering, which is perceived as less substantive [7]. - The election is framed as a battle between a scholar's steadfastness and a politician's adaptability, highlighting the differing approaches of the candidates [7].

国台办：联大第2758号决议郑重确认一个中国原则 历史不容篡改 中新网10月15日电 国务院台湾事务办公室15日举行例行新闻发布会，有记者提问：赖清德在所谓"双 十"讲话中再度诬称大陆扭曲联大2758号决议。陆委会称，大陆方面发表关于联大第2758号决议立场文 件，意图改变台海现状，要求大陆正视所谓"两岸互不隶属，中华民国始终存在的事实"，为两岸关系谋 求良性互动之道。对此有何评论？ 国台办发言人陈斌华表示，世界上只有一个中国，大陆和台湾同属一个中国，中国的主权和领土完整从 未分割也不容分割，这是真正的台海现状。联大第2758号决议从政治上、法律上和程序上彻底解决了包 括台湾在内全中国在联合国的代表权问题，郑重确认、充分体现一个中国原则。历史不容篡改，事实不 能歪曲。 民进党当局顽固坚持"台独"分裂立场，否认"九二共识"，不断散布"台独"分裂谬论，处心积虑破坏台海 现状，妄图把台湾从中国分裂出去。他们的所作所为严重破坏台海和平稳定，严重损害台湾同胞利益福 祉，也为两岸对话沟通制造了严重障碍。希望广大台湾同胞看清民进党当局"两岸和平破坏者""台海危 机制造者"的"台独"本性，与我们一道坚决反对"台独"分裂，以实 ...

Core Viewpoint - Recent polls indicate that approximately 60% of respondents in Taiwan believe that communication with mainland China should be prioritized to avoid conflict, reflecting a significant shift in public sentiment towards cross-strait relations [1] Group 1: Public Opinion - A poll by the "Democratic Progressive Foundation" shows that dissatisfaction with Lai Ching-te's handling of cross-strait relations has increased from 43% last year to 63% this year [1] - According to a recent survey by the "United Daily News," 88% of respondents advocate for maintaining communication between Taiwan and mainland China [1] Group 2: Government Response - The spokesperson for the Taiwan Affairs Office, Chen Binhua, emphasized that the desire for peace, development, communication, and cooperation is the mainstream public opinion in Taiwan [1] - Chen criticized Lai Ching-te's administration for adhering to a "Taiwan independence" stance, which he claims exacerbates tensions and hinders cross-strait exchanges [1] - The government hopes that the Taiwanese public will oppose "Taiwan independence" and work towards maintaining peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait [1]

Core Viewpoint - Lai Ching-te's speech on October 10 in Taipei reiterated a firm stance on "Taiwan independence," distorting historical facts and international resolutions, which poses a threat to peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait [1][2]. Group 1: Taiwan Independence Stance - Lai Ching-te's speech emphasized a "Taiwan independence" narrative, claiming that the mainland distorts historical documents and uses force to change the status quo in the Taiwan Strait [1][2]. - The speech included a rejection of the historical and legal facts that Taiwan is part of China, challenging the international community's adherence to the "One China" principle [2]. Group 2: Defense Budget and Military Preparedness - Lai Ching-te announced plans to increase Taiwan's defense budget to over 3% of GDP next year, with a target of 5% by 2030, under the guise of maintaining peace and security [3]. - The expansion of the defense budget is seen as a diversion of resources that could be used for public welfare, raising concerns among the Taiwanese populace about the implications for their safety and well-being [3]. Group 3: Public Sentiment and Governance - There is a growing discontent among the Taiwanese public regarding Lai Ching-te's governance, with increasing calls for accountability and criticism of his administration's handling of disasters and public welfare [4]. - Polls indicate a decline in public trust, with rising protests and a significant number of citizens expressing dissatisfaction with Lai Ching-te's policies and approach to cross-strait relations [4].

Core Viewpoint - The Xiamen Public Security Bureau in Fujian Province has issued a reward notice seeking information on 18 core members of Taiwan's "Psychological Warfare Brigade," who are suspected of inciting separatism and undermining national unity [1][3][23] Group 1: Background and Investigation - The "Psychological Warfare Brigade" is linked to Taiwan's military and has been involved in activities aimed at inciting division between Taiwan and mainland China [3][7] - The investigation was initiated after reports from Taiwanese citizens about the Democratic Progressive Party's (DPP) use of propaganda to influence public opinion and create a negative impact on cross-strait relations [3][5] - The case has been officially filed and is currently in the investigation stage, with the public being encouraged to provide evidence [3][5] Group 2: Activities of the "Psychological Warfare Brigade" - The brigade employs various methods, including the use of media and psychological manipulation, to promote "Taiwan independence" and create societal division [5][7] - Historical context shows that Taiwan has a long history of psychological warfare tactics, evolving from radio broadcasts to modern digital platforms [7][9] - The brigade has been accused of distorting historical facts and spreading misinformation, particularly regarding the legitimacy of the "One China" principle and the United Nations Resolution 2758 [9][11] Group 3: Specific Incidents and Tactics - The brigade has produced and disseminated propaganda through various channels, including websites and games, to promote separatist ideologies among Taiwanese youth [11][13] - A specific tabletop game designed to distort geographical and historical facts has been linked to the brigade, highlighting their efforts to influence young people's perceptions [11][13] - The brigade's tactics include creating false narratives about economic issues in Taiwan, such as the "egg shortage," to undermine public trust in mainland China [15][16][18] Group 4: Legal and Political Implications - The recent reward notice reflects a broader governmental strategy to combat separatist activities and enforce legal consequences for those involved in inciting division [23] - The Chinese government has taken a firm stance against "Taiwan independence" movements, indicating a commitment to legal action against individuals and groups promoting such ideologies [23]