每个人都想要舒坦的生活。舒坦的生活意味着稳定的工作、一栋房子、一辆车、可以买得起优质的食 物、可以让自己的孩子进入资源良好的学校、周末能够一家人出去玩。这被认为是典型的中产生活。要 想过上这种体面的生活，就需要比较高的薪水。然而，芝加哥的兼职教师、日托班夫妇、在地球另一端 看护他人孩子的母亲，都不得不面临着即使身兼数职，也距离自己想要的生活越来越远的现实状况。 正如《教育为什么无用》中对功利主义的驳斥那样，功利主义的一个错误前提在于，其认为X一定比Y 更有利于人们。现实里的一些困境注定是两难的。比如上述的兼职教师也考虑过再增加一份工作，但是 多打一份工意味着需要雇人看管孩子，收入和支出再次相抵。 在普遍的经济压力下，"躲进黄金遍地的屏幕"（《夹缝生存》·1%社会顶层节目的崛起）成了一种新的 渴求，描述富豪生活的电视剧、综艺爆火。这种带有顶层符号的电视节目至少满足了人们的三重心理： 第一，观看富豪生活；第二，想象自己是富豪；第三，看到富豪的"报应"。 人们通过节目看到昂贵的奢侈品、私人直升机、精心的服务、观看富豪们的为所欲为，以及暗暗期待 着"超级富豪受到应有的报应"（《夹缝生存》·1%社会顶层节目的崛起）。电 ...

其实张雪峰几乎所有的观点，我都能接受并理解，他那些东西，绝大部分属于成年人世界的常识。包括 他很多年前推荐大家去读土木，这一点被人诟病和攻击得很厉害，其实我也能理解，毕竟在当时，土木 还是香饽饽。你说当时他为啥看不到土木的衰落？ 其实没几个人能看到，现在当然人人好像都很懂，回到当时，大猛子出现之前，谁都不知道土木这个行 业会衰落这么快。就好像你现在也看不穿过几年除了AI哪些行业会崛起，哪些行业会急剧衰退一样。 但是这事里，也隐藏了一个很深的问题，就是他现在说的那些很对的话，多年后还正确吗？或者说，现 在的常识，多年后还是常识吗？ 这就涉及到了咱们社会的一个基本模型，叫"二级混沌系统"。 比如咱们现在的超级计算机，可以轻松算出来行星轨道，甚至做天气预报这样极其复杂的预测。这些预 测，就是"一级混沌"，你的预测不影响结果。 但还有很多东西，属于"预测结果干预运行结果"，比如巴菲特说他看好某个股票，可能这种预测本身就 会导致那个股票大涨。 再比如我报考大学那一年，有专家在我们省内电视频道预测某个热门专业大家都别报，以往竞争太激 烈，高分生被成批刷掉。导致那年那个专业的分数很低，因为高分生主动避开了。 其实张雪峰现在 ...

近期，电影《浪浪山小妖怪》引发我们一群小伙伴的热议。大家在欢笑与泪水中看完电影后，仍觉意犹 未尽，于是对电影的故事意义和角色象征展开了讨论。 有的小伙伴认为小妖们是勇于自我改造的小资产阶级群像，有的小伙伴则对电影没能在村民内部塑造出 英雄人物，反而要借助妖怪们的力量降妖除魔这个情节安排表示不解，还有的小伙伴对电影让孙悟空师 徒四人面目不清这一处理方式的意图展开了推测。 尽管看法各有不同，但大家普遍认同的是：这部电影是对精致利己主义的反思，是对普通劳动者是否有 资格追求理想、如何追求理想、追求怎样的理想的追问！ 一 海东青：2023年B站出中国奇谭系列的时候，《小妖怪的夏天》最打动人，就是因为太现实了。《浪浪 山小妖怪》继续了这个方向。这次不仅是一个猪妖，更是群像，而且把当下社会的现实照进了故事中。 其核心是，平凡的底层需要理想主义吗？或者说，问题不是平凡的底层是否需要"理想主义"，而是平凡 的底层该以什么方式自救，自我解放？因为"理想主义"听起来是个奢侈品。 侯马：我也很喜欢这部电影，带7岁的女儿看了两遍。我觉得不仅是最后小猪妖"活成自己喜欢的样 子"所隐含的理想主义，里面猩猩怪为救孩子不向权威妥协，小猪妖悟 ...

Group 1 - The article discusses the evolution of digital economy and its impact on legal frameworks, highlighting the transition from a rule-less environment to one with established regulations [2][3][10] - It emphasizes the importance of understanding how digital production methods have led to changes in property rights, labor relations, and distribution rules, which are increasingly relevant to daily life [10][11] Group 2 - The rise of digital production methods is characterized as an "illegal emergence," where traditional legal frameworks were challenged and adapted to accommodate new economic realities [11][16][18] - The article notes that the digital economy initially relied on low-cost access to resources, which often involved practices like piracy to attract users and establish a competitive edge [19][20][21] Group 3 - Legal responses to the new economy have varied, with some advocating for specific legislation to address emerging business models, while others prefer a more traditional approach that treats new disputes as existing legal issues [26][27][28] - The article highlights the tension between traditional economic rules and the unique characteristics of the internet, questioning whether existing laws can be directly applied to digital contexts [26][27] Group 4 - The concept of virtual property is explored, indicating a shift from ownership to access, where users often do not possess full rights over digital content, leading to a rental-like relationship with platforms [32][38][45] - The article discusses how user agreements typically grant platforms significant control over user-generated content, often limiting users' rights to transfer or inherit accounts [50][54][56] Group 5 - The nature of digital labor is described as fragmented and modular, with platforms exerting control over workers without traditional employment relationships, raising questions about labor rights and protections [74][76][78] - The article points out ongoing disputes regarding labor classification and the adequacy of existing legal frameworks to address the unique challenges posed by gig economy jobs [78][80] Group 6 - The article concludes by emphasizing the need for ongoing dialogue among stakeholders, including individuals, platforms, and governments, to address the evolving challenges of the digital economy [84][85] - It suggests that future discussions should focus on balancing efficiency with individual rights and dignity, particularly in the context of flexible employment and fair distribution of resources [85][86]

Group 1 - The article discusses the ethical dilemma of the "Trolley Problem" and its application to real-world issues, particularly in the context of cardiovascular diseases [2][4][5] - It highlights that cardiovascular diseases are the leading cause of death globally, with nearly 20 million deaths annually, and in China, approximately 4.58 million deaths occur each year due to these diseases [8][9] - The article emphasizes the significant increase in cardiovascular disease cases over the past 40 years, primarily due to aging and unhealthy lifestyles [10][11] Group 2 - The main risk factors for cardiovascular diseases include high blood pressure, high cholesterol, diabetes, obesity, and smoking, with lifestyle choices being the primary contributor [11][21] - The article identifies atherosclerosis as the leading cause of cardiovascular diseases, which is a chronic process that can take decades to develop [16][18] - It states that lowering LDL-C (low-density lipoprotein cholesterol) is crucial for preventing atherosclerosis and related cardiovascular events, with a direct correlation between LDL-C levels and cardiovascular risk [22][30] Group 3 - The article presents practical recommendations for managing cardiovascular health, including setting LDL-C targets based on risk levels and emphasizing lifestyle changes [36][41] - It discusses the importance of early intervention and the need for individuals to take responsibility for their health, suggesting that proactive measures can significantly reduce the risk of cardiovascular diseases [33][54] - The article concludes by urging individuals to recognize their health status and take action to prevent becoming "passengers" on the metaphorical "Blue Sky" train of cardiovascular disease [56][58]