2026年初，跨大西洋关系再度因为两位西方大国领导人变得剑拔弩张。1月8日，法国总统马克龙在法国 驻外使节年度会议上提到，"我们正处在一个日益失序的世界之中，多边机制运转越来越不顺畅；我们 正在进入一个由大国主导的时代，各方都面临着瓜分世界的强烈诱惑。" 似乎为了回应马克龙的相关表态，《纽约时报》接着刊发了特朗普的专访，这位美国总统直言，作为美 军三军统帅，自己"无需遵守国际法"，其军事行动的全球指挥，仅受个人"道德标准与意志"约束。 此番隔空交锋，正式拉开2026年"特马"互怼的序幕，而这场博弈的高潮，在瑞士达沃斯世界经济论坛上 彻底爆发。 此前，特朗普提出筹建全新国际组织"和平委员会"，并由自己亲任主席，该组织向各国发出入会邀请， 还为永久席位明码标价十亿美元，引发国际舆论哗然，然而马克龙明确表态法国不会参与。美国总统特 朗普对此回应："他真这么说了？没人想要他，因为他很快就要下台了。 如果他们觉得我敌视他，我就 对他的葡萄酒和香槟征收200%的关税，他就会加入。" 国际关系学院美国问题专家孙冰岩在采访中表示，特朗普和马克龙交锋的时候，特朗普认为法国在市场 和防务上都依赖美国，毫无博弈筹码，所以敢用强势手 ...

Core Viewpoint - The transatlantic relationship has changed, and nostalgia for past times is unhelpful for Europe's progress [1] Group 1: Political Independence - Europe needs to enhance its independence in both technological and political aspects, particularly by reducing reliance on the United States, the world's largest economy [1] Group 2: International Agreements - Europe will respond if various parties on the international stage do not adhere to existing agreements [1]

Core Viewpoint - The article discusses the deepening doubts surrounding transatlantic relations, particularly in light of recent U.S. foreign policy shifts under President Trump, which have led to a significant reevaluation of the U.S.-Europe strategic partnership [1]. Group 1: Historical Context - After World War II, the U.S. emerged as a superpower and initiated the Marshall Plan, providing over $15 billion for European reconstruction, which aimed to promote democracy and military alliances against the Soviet Union [2]. - The establishment of NATO in 1949 marked the beginning of a close U.S.-Europe cooperation that lasted for 40 years, solidifying the transatlantic alliance [2]. - The cultural influence of the U.S. in Europe during the post-war period was significant, with American products symbolizing modernity and prosperity, creating a strong bond between the two regions [2]. Group 2: Cold War Dynamics - During the Cold War, the relationship was characterized by a "U.S. leading, Europe following" dynamic, with the U.S. recognizing that a stable Europe would enhance its own influence [3]. - Despite some disagreements, such as West Germany's Ostpolitik in the 1970s, the U.S. maintained a pivotal role in European security and political dynamics [4]. Group 3: Post-Cold War Relations - The end of the Cold War saw a new phase in U.S.-Europe relations, with the U.S. supporting German reunification and NATO's eastward expansion, which later contributed to tensions with Russia [5]. - The 9/11 attacks led to NATO's collective defense being invoked for the first time, but subsequent U.S. actions, particularly the Iraq War, strained relations with European allies [5]. Group 4: Value Conflicts - The 21st century has seen deeper value conflicts between the U.S. and Europe, particularly regarding multilateralism and international law, with Europe emphasizing peace and stability while the U.S. adopted a more confrontational stance [6]. - The Obama administration attempted to mend relations with Europe, but issues like NSA surveillance created new tensions [6]. Group 5: Recent Developments - Under Trump, the U.S. questioned the value of the transatlantic partnership, criticizing NATO and withdrawing from international agreements, which led to increased skepticism in Europe regarding U.S. commitments [7]. - The Biden administration has sought to repair relations, but actions like the chaotic withdrawal from Afghanistan have left European allies feeling sidelined [7]. Group 6: Future Outlook - If Trump returns to power in 2025, the article suggests that transatlantic relations may again deteriorate, with a focus on unilateralism and pressure on European allies [8]. - The article concludes that Europe, while historically dependent on U.S. military strength, is seeking to establish a more balanced partnership and may pursue alternative alliances in response to U.S. policy shifts [9][10].

Core Viewpoint - The article discusses the deepening doubts surrounding transatlantic relations, particularly in light of recent U.S. foreign policy shifts under President Trump, which have led to a significant reevaluation of the U.S.-Europe strategic partnership [1][9]. Historical Context - Post-World War II, the U.S. emerged as a superpower, implementing the Marshall Plan with over $15 billion to aid European reconstruction and promote democratic values [2]. - The establishment of NATO in 1949 marked the beginning of a close U.S.-Europe alliance, which lasted for about 40 years, reinforcing mutual cooperation [2][3]. Cold War Dynamics - During the Cold War, the relationship was characterized by a "U.S. leading, Europe following" model, with the U.S. recognizing the importance of a stable Europe for its own influence [3]. - Despite some disagreements, such as West Germany's Ostpolitik in the 1970s, the U.S. maintained a dominant role in European security matters [4]. Post-Cold War Developments - After the Cold War, U.S.-Europe relations entered a new phase, with the U.S. supporting German reunification and NATO's eastward expansion [4]. - The 9/11 attacks led to a temporary strengthening of ties, but the Iraq War in 2003 caused significant rifts, with the U.S. criticizing European opposition [6][7]. Value Conflicts - The 21st century has seen deeper value conflicts, with Europe seeking more equal standing and emphasizing multilateralism, contrasting with the U.S.'s more unilateral approach [7][8]. - The Obama administration attempted to mend relations, but issues like NSA surveillance strained ties [8]. Recent Trends - Under Trump, the U.S. questioned the value of transatlantic partnerships, criticizing NATO and withdrawing from international agreements, which led to European disillusionment [8][9]. - The Biden administration has sought to repair relations, but actions like the chaotic withdrawal from Afghanistan have left Europe feeling sidelined [8]. Future Outlook - The potential return of Trump in 2025 could further strain U.S.-Europe relations, with a focus on unilateralism and diminished regard for European input [9][10]. - The article suggests that Europe may need to adapt to a new reality of U.S. foreign policy that prioritizes strategic interests over traditional alliances [10][11].

Group 1 - The article discusses the complex dynamics among major European powers (UK, France, Germany, Italy) in response to Trump's aggressive stance on trade and security issues, particularly regarding Greenland [4][5] - Macron's proposal for a G7 meeting in Paris aims to ease transatlantic tensions, although Trump dismissed the idea, indicating a lack of confidence in Macron's leadership [4] - The internal political instability in France, marked by failed no-confidence motions against Prime Minister Le Maire's government, undermines France's position as a leader in the EU [5] Group 2 - The article highlights the contrasting political stability in Italy under Meloni's leadership compared to the turmoil in France and Germany, with Italy being described as the most stable G7 member [6] - Recent high-level interactions among UK, France, Germany, and Italy reflect attempts to strengthen ties, but underlying disagreements on specific issues remain evident [6][7] - The article notes significant publicized divisions between France and Germany, particularly regarding EU financial strategies and trade agreements, which have led to tensions within the EU [7][8] Group 3 - The Future Combat Air System (FCAS) project, involving the UK, France, Germany, and Spain, is currently stalled due to conflicts between Dassault and Airbus, representing French and German interests respectively [7] - Italy's reluctance to support military actions proposed by France and the UK, as well as its criticism of their military commitments, indicates a divergence in defense strategies among these nations [7][8] - Despite a warm atmosphere during recent meetings between German and Italian leaders, the cooperation is described as tactical rather than a cohesive long-term strategy, highlighting limitations in their relationship [8]

来源：新华国际头条 德国国防部长鲍里斯·皮斯托里乌斯近日接受德国媒体采访时说，美国总统特朗普在格陵兰岛问题上 仍"不可预测"，呼吁欧洲各国在同美国交往时保持自信，"不能被吓倒"。 据德国媒体报道，皮斯托里乌斯谈及近来美国威胁夺取格陵兰岛时说，特朗普"正变得越来越不可预 测"，"但如果我们（欧洲人）看美国就像兔子看到蛇一样，那样我们就会无法聚焦争取独立自主等必要 事项"。 格陵兰岛是世界第一大岛，也是丹麦自治领地，有高度自治权，国防和外交事务由丹麦政府掌管。特朗 普再次入主白宫以来多次以所谓"国家安全"为由扬言要得到格陵兰岛。 皮斯托里乌斯说，特朗普"依靠不确定性和恐惧来实现其目标"，"但害怕（特朗普）的人会做出错误决 定，所以我们不能被吓倒"。他说，美国需要欧洲，正如欧洲需要美国一样。 记者：王奕昕 特朗普1月21日在社交媒体发文称，他已同北约秘书长吕特就未来达成有关格陵兰岛的协议制定框架。 而后吕特表示，他并未与特朗普谈及格陵兰岛主权归属议题。 格陵兰岛自治政府总理延斯-弗雷德里克·尼尔森和丹麦首相弗雷泽里克森近日访问德国、法国。尼尔森 表示，德法领导人通过多种方式重申对格陵兰岛的支持。路透社分析指出，美国 ...

Core Viewpoint - The current fundamental shift in the Atlantic relationship indicates that Europe is no longer the primary focus for Washington, suggesting a structural and non-temporary change in international dynamics [1] Group 1: Structural Changes - The shift in focus from Europe to other regions is described as "structural" and not temporary, indicating a long-term change in geopolitical priorities [1] - The statement emphasizes that no major power can outsource its survival and still expect to thrive, highlighting the need for Europe to take a more active role in its own defense and security [1] Group 2: Impact on International Order - This shift poses significant pressure on the international order established post-World War II, with an increasing risk of a return to a world where "might makes right" prevails [1]

0:00 欧洲汽车制造商协会27日公布的统计数据显示，2025年全年，特斯拉在欧洲的新车注册量为238656辆， 同比下降26.9%。在欧盟范围内，2025年特斯拉新车注册量同比下降37.9%，市场份额从2024年的2.3% 降至1.4%。 自2025年以来，因美国总统特朗普寻求得到格陵兰岛并在关税上对欧盟反复加码威胁，跨 大西洋关系持续承压。由于特朗普与特斯拉公司首席执行官马斯克关系密切，特斯拉电动汽车过去一年 在欧洲市场受到很多消费者抵制，销量表现也持续走弱。 来源：央视财经 ...

Group 1 - The visit of UK Prime Minister Starmer to China marks the first official visit by a UK Prime Minister in eight years, with a large delegation of over 50 executives from major UK companies [1][2] - The visit aims to enhance bilateral relations through stable cooperation and pragmatic actions, focusing on establishing structured dialogue mechanisms and achieving concrete business outcomes [1][2] - The UK government expresses a desire for a consistent and long-term relationship with China, moving away from previous volatility, and emphasizes the importance of high-level interactions [3][4] Group 2 - The UK and China are significant economic partners, with bilateral trade expected to reach $103.7 billion by 2025, and service trade projected to exceed $30 billion [5] - There is a strong emphasis on expanding cooperation in various sectors, including green energy, healthcare, creative industries, and smart manufacturing, to create new growth points in bilateral trade [4][6] - The UK aims to encourage small and medium-sized enterprises to explore the Chinese market, aligning with China's policies to boost consumption and imports [5][6] Group 3 - The recent wave of European leaders visiting China indicates a strategic shift in international relations, with Europe seeking to redefine its position in a multipolar world [7][8] - The UK government acknowledges the importance of engaging with China, viewing it as a critical market for global enterprises, and aims to avoid a binary choice between the US and China [8] - Strengthening UK-China economic cooperation is seen as a way to mitigate the negative impacts of US protectionist policies and enhance global economic stability [8]

转自：证券时报 人民财讯1月28日电，欧洲汽车制造商协会27日公布的统计数据显示，2025年全年，特斯拉在欧洲的新 车注册量为238656辆，同比下降26.9%。在欧盟范围内，2025年特斯拉新车注册量同比下降37.9%，市 场份额从2024年的2.3%降至1.4%。自2025年以来，因美国总统特朗普寻求得到格陵兰岛并在关税上对 欧盟反复加码威胁，跨大西洋关系持续承压。由于特朗普与特斯拉公司首席执行官马斯克关系密切，特 斯拉电动汽车过去一年在欧洲市场受到很多消费者抵制，销量表现也持续走弱。 ...