Group 1 - The newly elected chairperson of the Kuomintang (KMT), Zheng Liwen, announced the first wave of party personnel appointments, with Li Qianlong taking the role of vice chairman and secretary-general, and another vice chairman being Ji Linlian [1] - The KMT's 22nd first plenary session is scheduled for November 1, and a transition team will begin the handover of party affairs promptly [1] - Li Qianlong has previously served as the KMT's New Taipei City party chief and as secretary-general during Jiang Qichen's chairmanship, while Ji Linlian is a retired general who publicly supported Zheng Liwen in the recent KMT chair election [1] Group 2 - Zheng Liwen expressed her willingness to visit and engage in exchanges with mainland China [2] - The Taiwan Affairs Office responded positively, emphasizing the mainstream public opinion in Taiwan favors peace, development, exchange, and cooperation, and expressed a desire to strengthen high-level exchanges with the KMT [3] - The office reiterated the importance of adhering to the "1992 Consensus" and opposing "Taiwan independence" as a political foundation for promoting peaceful development of cross-strait relations [3]

Core Viewpoint - The article expresses a belief that the eventual unification of Taiwan and mainland China is inevitable, despite potential challenges along the way. This unification is seen as a path towards national rejuvenation and shared glory for both sides, which is portrayed as something to look forward to and take pride in [10]. Group 1: Political Context - The article discusses the recent Kuomintang (KMT) party chair election, highlighting two prominent figures: Zhang Yazhong and Zhao Shaokang. Zhang, despite losing, is noted for his passionate defense of the "1992 Consensus," emphasizing the principle of one China and the pursuit of unification, contrasting with the KMT leadership's more ambiguous stance [4]. - Zhao Shaokang attempted to influence the election from behind the scenes and faced criticism for his actions, which some believe contributed to the defeat of the KMT candidate, Hao Longbin. His controversial statements post-election have led to speculation about his true political alignment and intentions [5][6]. Group 2: Personal Reflections - Following the election, Zhang Yazhong announced his withdrawal from the political scene, expressing a sense of resignation and reflecting on his efforts for Taiwan's dignity and peace. He conveyed a feeling of defeat against the prevailing political climate and acknowledged the challenges ahead for the KMT and Taiwan [9]. - The article suggests that Zhang's pessimism is unwarranted, arguing that historical forces favor unification and that the future holds promise for both sides of the Taiwan Strait [10].

Core Points - The communication between Xi Jinping and Zheng Liwen indicates a positive direction for the relationship between the Chinese Communist Party and the Kuomintang, as well as cross-strait relations [1] - The Chinese government emphasizes the importance of the "1992 Consensus" as a political foundation for dialogue and cooperation with Taiwan [2][3] Group 1 - Xi Jinping congratulated Zheng Liwen on her election as the Kuomintang chairperson, which is seen as a step towards improving cross-strait relations [1] - The Chinese government plans to enhance communication and cooperation with various Taiwanese parties, including the Kuomintang, to promote national unity and development [1] - The spokesperson for the State Council Taiwan Affairs Office reiterated that the "1992 Consensus" is essential for maintaining peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait [2][3] Group 2 - The Chinese government is open to high-level exchanges with the Kuomintang to strengthen political mutual trust and promote peaceful development of cross-strait relations [2] - The response to the Taiwan Mainland Affairs Council's stance highlights the necessity of acknowledging the "1992 Consensus" for any dialogue to resume [2][3] - The Chinese government criticizes the Democratic Progressive Party's stance against the "1992 Consensus," asserting that it undermines cross-strait relations and goes against mainstream public opinion in Taiwan [3]

"九二共识"是两岸关系发展的共同政治基础和台海和平稳定的定海神针，是海协会与台湾海基会受权协 商的前提。2016年5月以来，由于民进党当局拒不承认"九二共识"，海协会与台湾海基会对话沟通机制 处于停摆状态。民进党当局想要重启两会对话沟通机制，就必须承认"九二共识"。 对此，国务院台办发言人朱凤莲表示，1992年，经两岸双方授权，海协会与台湾海基会通过香港会谈及 其后的函电往来，达成了各自以口头方式表述"海峡两岸均坚持一个中国原则"的"九二共识"。正是 在"九二共识"的基础上，两岸开启了协商谈判。2008年至2016年，两会在体现一个中国原则的"九二共 识"基础上恢复协商，签署一系列协议，达成诸多共识，为增进两岸经济民生福祉、推动两岸关系和平 发展发挥了重要作用。 中新网10月22日电 国务院台湾事务办公室22日举行例行新闻发布会。会上，有记者提问：海基会董事 长吴丰山日前表示，两岸休戚与共，海协会要"耐心说服您们的高层"，重启两会对话机制。请问发言人 对此有何评论？ ...

Group 1 - The core viewpoint of the article emphasizes the willingness of Zheng Liwen to visit the mainland for communication and exchange, reflecting a desire for peace, development, and cooperation between Taiwan and the mainland [2] - The spokesperson from the Taiwan Affairs Office, Zhu Fenglian, stated that the mainstream public opinion in Taiwan supports peace, development, exchange, and cooperation, indicating a positive reception to Zheng's willingness to visit [2] - The article highlights the importance of adhering to the "1992 Consensus" and opposing "Taiwan independence" as a political foundation for promoting cross-strait relations and cooperation [2] Group 2 - The article mentions the intention to strengthen high-level exchanges with the Kuomintang to enhance political mutual trust and maintain positive interactions [2] - It discusses the goal of jointly promoting peaceful development of cross-strait relations, maintaining peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait, and benefiting the people on both sides [2] - The article concludes with a call for collaboration towards national rejuvenation, aligning with the aspirations of compatriots across the strait [2]

Core Viewpoint - The article emphasizes the importance of peace, development, communication, and cooperation between Taiwan and mainland China, highlighting the willingness to engage in dialogue under the framework of the "1992 Consensus" and opposition to "Taiwan independence" [1] Group 1 - The spokesperson, Zhu Fenglian, stated that the mainstream public opinion in Taiwan favors peace, development, communication, and cooperation [1] - There is a willingness to enhance high-level exchanges with the Kuomintang (KMT) to strengthen political mutual trust and maintain positive interactions [1] - The goal is to promote peaceful development of cross-strait relations, ensure peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait, and benefit the people on both sides [1]

Core Viewpoint - The article discusses the recent Kuomintang (KMT) party chair election in Taiwan, highlighting the contrasting approaches of two prominent candidates, Zhang Yachung and Zhao Shaokang, and their implications for the party's future and cross-strait relations [1][2][4]. Group 1: Candidates and Election Dynamics - Zhang Yachung, despite losing the election, articulated a clear stance on the "1992 Consensus," emphasizing the principle of one China and the pursuit of unification, which resonated with traditional KMT values [1]. - Zhao Shaokang initially intended to run for party chair but ultimately chose to support Hao Longbin, leading to speculation about his motives and the impact of his actions on the election outcome [2]. - The internal conflict within the KMT was exacerbated by Zhao's accusations against mainland China for interfering in the election, which drew criticism from both the KMT and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) [2][3]. Group 2: Reactions and Implications - Zhao Shaokang's behavior has sparked negative reactions from mainland Chinese netizens, with some labeling him as a reactionary figure, while others question his political integrity [3]. - Zhang Yachung's resignation from the political scene reflects a sense of disillusionment with the current political climate, as he expressed regret over his inability to effect change for Taiwan [4]. - The article suggests that the future of cross-strait relations and the KMT's direction may be influenced by the internal dynamics and public perceptions of its leaders, particularly in light of Zhao's controversial statements and Zhang's withdrawal [4][6].

Core Viewpoint - The article discusses the potential political strategies of Lai Ching-te and the implications of the recent election of Zheng Liwen as the new chairperson of the Kuomintang (KMT), emphasizing the challenges and risks involved in the upcoming elections [4][5][6]. Group 1: Political Landscape - Zheng Liwen's election as KMT chairperson with over half of the votes signifies a shift in the party's approach towards cross-strait relations, aiming to clarify the "One China" principle and counter "Taiwan independence" sentiments [4][5]. - The article suggests that if the KMT performs well in the 2026 local elections, it could increase the likelihood of Lai Ching-te taking risky actions in the 2028 presidential election [4][6]. Group 2: Strategies and Risks - Zheng Liwen's strategy involves a two-pronged approach with her and Lu Xiuyan alternating in leadership roles, which poses a significant challenge to Lai Ching-te [6]. - The article speculates that Lai Ching-te might resort to extreme measures, such as declaring martial law, to secure electoral victory, although this is deemed unlikely due to the potential repercussions from mainland China [7][8]. - Lai's possible risky actions could include creating a self-inflicted crisis to garner sympathy from voters or targeting political opponents through legal means [8].

以下文章来源于首席侧写师 ，作者阳明山人 首席侧写师 . 观人，鉴历史，知天地。 2025年10月18日，中国国民党主席选举落下帷幕，郑丽文以显著优势胜出，成为该党历史上第二位女 性主席，更是首位从民进党阵营转投国民党后执掌党权的"跨党派"掌舵人。这位出身眷村、曾放弃模特 生涯的法学硕士，用三十年政坛沉浮书写了独特的人生轨迹。 图源：网络 初入政坛的郑丽文，具有强烈的反抗"黑金政治"的倾向。上世纪90年代，国民党内部腐败滋生，出于 对这种"黑金政治"现象的厌恶，郑丽文选择了看上去"更有希望"的民进党，并一路顺风顺水。1999年 郑丽文出任民进党"国大"党团副总召集人，更凭借政论节目"火线双娇"成为家喻户晓的"绿营名嘴"， 引得当时的党内大佬们纷纷费心拉拢。但这份顺遂在2002年戛然而止——因在节目中批评当局政要， 触碰到党内某些人核心利益，她遭到党内高层打压。在"恶劣的党派作风使我无法忍受"的愤懑之下，郑 丽文毅然决定退出民进党，开启了人生的第一次重大转向。 离开政坛的日子里，郑丽文并未沉寂。她一边主持节目维持公众影响力，一边赴英国剑桥大学攻读国际 关系学，开始重新审视两岸关系与台湾政坛生态。2004年，她主 ...

10月18日，国民党主席选举落幕，郑丽文以过半得票率当选，将于11月1日正式就任新一届中国国民党主席。 综合郑丽文选举前后的表态以及岛内媒体海量的报道和评论，笔者觉得，可以用京剧《穆桂英挂帅》那段经典唱词来形容这段时间以来郑丽文的豪情和 心情： "猛听得金鼓响画角声震，唤起我破天门壮志凌云。想当年桃花马上威风凛凛，敌血飞溅石榴裙。有生之日责当尽，寸土怎能够属于他人。番王小丑何足 论，我一剑能挡百万的兵。" 郑丽文摆出了"一剑能挡百万兵"的气势，赖清德会吓得瑟瑟发抖吗？ 当然不会。 笔者的预判是，郑丽文披挂上阵之后，如果国民党在2026年的县市长选举中稳住阵脚或者扩大战果，从而大幅度提高赢得2028大选的可能性，那么，赖 清德在2028年铤而走险的几率就会大幅度增加。 分析如下： 首先，郑丽文在两岸论述上的拨乱反正是对"台独"势力的釜底抽薪。 根据大陆权威媒体的报道，在回复大陆的贺电中，郑丽文明确表示"海峡两岸于1992年达成各自以口头方式表达坚持一个中国原则的共识"。在笔者的记 忆中，这是近年来国民党主席难得一见的明确将一个中国原则与"九二共识"划上等号的表述。这个表述与国民党之前半遮半掩的"一中各表"，有本 ...