德国左翼党联合主席扬·范阿肯在其党派网站上表示，美国对委动武是"野蛮的国家恐怖主义行 径"。 德国社民党外交政策专家阿迪斯·艾哈迈托维奇表示，如果未经联合国授权就使用军事力量，公开 推翻别国政权，那么强权将日益取代法律，"这是国际秩序中一个非常危险的转变"。 德国哥廷根大学国际法专家凯·安博斯说，美国打击委内瑞拉显然是为了推翻其所反对的马杜罗政 府，获取委石油资源。 南非共产党发表声明说，美方这一"卑劣的强盗行径"破坏了拉美和加勒比地区的和平与稳定，并将 数以百万计民众的生命置于严重危险之中。 南非工会联合会发表声明说，美国的行为不是外交、不是执法，也不是"推动民主"，而是赤裸裸的 侵略、政权更迭战争和"帝国主义犯罪逻辑"。 新华社北京1月4日电 综合新华社驻外记者报道：美国3日凌晨对委内瑞拉发起大规模军事行动，突 袭委首都加拉加斯并抓走委总统马杜罗及其夫人。多国政党组织、政界人士和学者谴责美国以"缉毒"为 名采取军事行动，实则意在控制委内瑞拉资源。此举侵犯委内瑞拉主权，公然违反国际法，严重威胁到 拉丁美洲地区和平与安全。 据法国媒体报道，超过2000人3日晚在法国巴黎共和国广场举行抗议活动。左翼政党"不屈法 ...

一个国家的民选总统，被他国光天化日之下堂而皇之抓走到其他国家去接受所谓审判，不管是什么罪 名，不管是出于什么目的，发生在21世纪，这就是人类的悲剧、世界的笑话。 这绝对不是最后一个。 为什么会发生这种悲剧？简单地指责美国无济于事——美国从1898年美西战争打败西班牙后就称霸美 洲，不到百年时间就41次在拉丁美洲制造政权更迭，以反恐、反毒品等名义策划政变，推翻政权、抓捕 领导人，已经不是什么新鲜事儿了。这也是特朗普向美国建国250年"献礼"、所谓"让美国再次伟大"的 举措，也是2026年美国中期选举的先声夺人。 亚洲一些国家也有这样的类似的悲剧。所以观察日前出台的《美国国家安全战略报告》就不难明白，委 内瑞拉的命运就已经被看得很清楚了。在这项报告里，美国总统特朗普警告说，美洲国家是"希望生活 在一个由美国主导的，由主权国家和自由经济组成的世界，还是希望生活在受世界另一端国家影响的平 行世界中？" 所以，美国此次对委内瑞拉下手，主要释放三个信息： 第一，就是把敢于反美的美洲政权及其领导人给清除掉，但不是那种以色列的定点清除，而是一种羞辱 式的审判。美国认为，其他国家都得瑟瑟发抖。谁会成为下一个？ 第二，警告其他拉 ...

一个国家的民选总统，被他国光天化日之下堂而皇之抓走到其他国家去接受所谓审判，不管是什么罪 名，不管是出于什么目的，发生在21世纪，这就是人类的悲剧、世界的笑话。 这绝对不是最后一个。 为什么会发生这种悲剧？简单地指责美国无济于事——美国从1898年美西战争打败西班牙后就称霸美 洲，不到百年时间就41次在拉丁美洲制造政权更迭，以反恐、反毒品等名义策划政变，推翻政权、抓捕 领导人，已经不是什么新鲜事儿了。这也是特朗普向美国建国250年"献礼"、所谓"让美国再次伟大"的 举措，也是2026年美国中期选举的先声夺人。 这些都不是问题的根源。当今世界最主要的问题，还是没有推翻"三座大山"——帝国主义、殖民主义、 霸权主义及其国内代理。《联合国宪章》说主权平等，但当一个国家没有维护主权的能力的时候，主权 平等或许就成了纸面上的。 世界是失衡的世界。看看委内瑞拉总统马杜罗被抓以后，欧洲领导人不痛不痒的反应就很清楚，他们对 俄罗斯的腔调和对美国的是完全不一样的，谁能警告美国下不为例？ 第二，警告其他拉丁美洲国家：美国回来了，拉丁美洲是不仅是美国的"后院"，而且此次行动意味着特 朗普版"门罗主义"诞生了。这里的秩序，这里的正义 ...

马杜罗表示，委内瑞拉实体经济数据增长，表明该国正在克服外部攻击和封锁。面对近一段时间的帝国 主义威胁，委内瑞拉国民的认同感增强。他呼吁国民团结起来，共同抵御帝国主义。（央视新闻） 委内瑞拉总统马杜罗在2025年12月31日播出的新年致辞中表示，委内瑞拉"正以最佳状态"迎接挑战。 ...

新华社纽约12月29日电 年终报道丨美国在混乱与撕裂中走向治理失序 新华社记者徐兴堂 比如，挑起全球贸易战，美国先是无差别对所有国家实施高额关税，然后在贸易谈判中"坐地起价"。然 而，在国内外压力下，美国关税政策又步步后退，接连豁免特定国家、行业或商品。为争取美国民众支 持加征关税，白宫还声称要给高收入群体之外的美国民众一次性发放每人2000美元的"关税分红"。《华 尔街日报》报道认为，通过许诺向民众"撒钱"来换取对某项政策的支持"很老套"，但这是美国政客常用 的伎俩。 又如，美国总统特朗普今年上任以来多次扬言要得到格陵兰岛，并声称不排除动用武力的可能性。近 期，特朗普宣布任命路易斯安那州州长杰夫·兰德里为美国格陵兰岛特使，后者声称要让这一丹麦自治 领地成为"美国的一部分"。美国前驻俄罗斯大使迈克尔·麦克福尔直言：这一任命"实在离谱"，堪比"墨 西哥任命一个特使，让路易斯安那州成为墨西哥的一部分"。除格陵兰岛外，特朗普还放言将加拿大变 为美国"第51个州"，并将"夺回"巴拿马运河控制权。 再如，数月来，美方以打击"毒品恐怖主义"为由，在委内瑞拉附近加勒比海域部署大规模海空兵力，迄 今在加勒比海和东太平洋击沉约 ...

二战前的战争阴云在时隔大半个世纪后重新积聚在人们的心头。在纪念欧洲胜利日（VE Day）的演讲 中，德国总统弗兰克-瓦尔特·施泰因迈尔（Frank-Walter Steinmeier）阐述了欧洲必须为战争做好准备的 双重必要性，他指出俄乌冲突摧毁了欧洲的安全秩序，其帝国主义幻想将乌克兰战争与"伟大卫国战 争"相提并论。他接着指出，就连为建立并塑造这一秩序做出巨大贡献的美国也背弃了它，这是一种前 所未有的冲击。他认为这是双重时代转折——俄乌冲突与美国背离其价值观——标志着漫长的二十世纪 的终结（帕特里克·温图尔《我们是否正走向第三次世界大战，还是说它已经开始了？》 https://news.qq.com/rain/a/20250510）。现在又过了几个月，即将离去的2025年正以美国2025 国家安全 战略 （NSS 2025）的出炉、俄乌冲突的继续胶着和多方轮换的谈判会议上的风云诡谲以及加沙地区人 道悲剧的无声延续而打上句号。 在这样的现实背景中，阅读有关二战历史的著作显然有了某种不一般的感觉，似乎历史的后见之明指向 了今天的世界。英国历史学家基思·罗威（Keith Lowe）的《恐惧与自由：第二次世界大战如 ...

特朗普11月16日称想与马杜罗谈谈后，马杜罗17日发文称国家主权"不可转让"，同时谴责帝国主义试图 通过制造恐惧与动荡来破坏国家稳定。近期美国总统特朗普多次威胁对委内瑞拉发动地面打击。报道称 美国在加勒比海地区的军事部署已达到30多年来最大规模。特朗普16日表示可能与马杜罗对话看看情况 如何发展，但不排除任何可能性，并称马杜罗"也想谈谈"。 ...

Core Argument - Georgios Varouxakis' new book "The West: The History of an Idea" offers a groundbreaking interpretation of the origins of the concept of "the West," challenging the prevailing academic consensus that it emerged in the late 19th century as a tool for promoting imperialism and racism [2][5][7]. Group 1: Historical Context and Evolution of the Concept - The term "the West" is often mistakenly viewed as a timeless concept dating back to ancient Greece, but Varouxakis argues that its self-identification began in the late 19th century, specifically in the 1880s and 1890s, to promote imperialism and white supremacy [5][7]. - Varouxakis highlights that earlier uses of "the West" can be traced back to the early 19th century, particularly through the works of Auguste Comte, who envisioned a "Western Republic" as a cultural and civilizational entity [7][8]. - The need for a distinct term arose from the desire to differentiate Western Europe from Russia, which was perceived as a significant threat after the Napoleonic Wars [8][9]. Group 2: Comte's Influence and Ideological Implications - Comte's writings initially focused on "Europe," but he later shifted to using "the West" to better represent a specific cultural community, distancing it from the broader geographical implications of "Europe" [11][12]. - Varouxakis emphasizes Comte's strong anti-imperialist stance, arguing that his vision for "the West" was not aligned with imperialism but rather aimed at promoting a peaceful, altruistic community [13][14]. - The concept of "the West" was intended to foster a sense of unity among Western nations while advocating for the independence of colonies and the abolition of empires [13][14]. Group 3: The Role of Other Thinkers and Global Perspectives - Varouxakis discusses various thinkers, including Francis Lieber, who contributed to the evolution of the concept of "the West" in the 19th century, particularly in the context of American political thought [16][17]. - The book also examines the contributions of non-Western thinkers, such as Rabindranath Tagore, who engaged in discussions about nationalism and the West during the early 20th century [18][19]. - Varouxakis argues that the historical understanding of "the West" is complex and multifaceted, shaped by various cultural, political, and ideological influences over time [24][27]. Group 4: Methodological Approach - The author employs a genealogical approach to trace the historical evolution of the concept of "the West," emphasizing the importance of understanding its various interpretations and uses throughout history [25][26]. - Varouxakis critiques the notion of a singular "Western value system," arguing that many values attributed to the West have origins in other cultures and should not be viewed as exclusive to the West [30][31]. - The book aims to clarify the historical context and potential future meanings of "the West," highlighting its adaptability and relevance in contemporary discussions [28][29].

Group 1 - The core viewpoint emphasizes the need for stronger cooperation under the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) to promote mutual free trade in response to global trade challenges posed by U.S. tariff policies [1][11] - The U.S. tariff policies under the Trump administration are criticized as misleading, particularly in their neglect of the U.S. surplus in the services sector, which is a significant aspect of the U.S. economy [3][5] - The global division of labor is based on economic rationality, making it difficult to shift manufacturing back to the U.S. despite political desires [6][7] Group 2 - The U.S. trade deficit is viewed as a misrepresentation of the overall economic benefits derived from both goods and services trade, with the latter providing substantial income to a limited segment of the population [5][4] - The uncertainty created by U.S. tariff policies has led to volatility in financial markets, affecting not only companies but also high-net-worth individuals who initially supported these policies [6][8] - The potential for collaboration among Japan, China, and South Korea is highlighted, with a call for these nations to defend free trade and open larger markets to each other [11][12] Group 3 - Japan's monetary policy normalization may be impacted by the uncertainties stemming from U.S. tariff policies, potentially slowing down the pace of interest rate hikes [12] - The discussion around the undervaluation of the yen suggests that Japan may seek a gradual appreciation of its currency, aligning with traditional market-driven exchange rate principles [10] - The need for Japan to address domestic economic issues, such as income inequality and inflation, is underscored, particularly in light of the pressures from U.S. trade policies [5][12]

Core Viewpoint - The article argues that Trump's foreign policy does not fundamentally overturn the traditional U.S. diplomatic approach but rather reflects a more overt expression of the long-standing U.S. hegemonic nature in international relations [1][4][6]. Group 1: U.S. Foreign Policy Under Trump - Trump's administration has been characterized by a series of "America First" policies, which include imposing tariffs, withdrawing from international agreements, and exerting pressure on allies, suggesting a return to a more isolationist stance reminiscent of 19th-century imperialism [2][3][8]. - The administration's actions, such as the imposition of 25% tariffs on imported steel and aluminum, reflect a protectionist ideology that has historical precedents in U.S. foreign policy [2][6]. - Trump's rhetoric about making Canada the "51st state" and threats to annex Greenland illustrate a revival of imperialistic tendencies in U.S. diplomacy [3][5]. Group 2: Historical Context and Continuity - The article highlights that many of Trump's foreign policy actions have historical parallels, such as previous administrations' withdrawal from international organizations and the use of economic leverage to achieve political goals [4][6]. - Notable examples include Reagan's and Obama's administrations, which also exhibited similar tendencies to withdraw support from international bodies when U.S. interests were perceived to be compromised [4][6]. - The historical context of U.S. interventions, such as the CIA's involvement in the overthrow of Congolese Prime Minister Lumumba, underscores a long-standing pattern of prioritizing resource control and geopolitical interests over international norms [6][8]. Group 3: The Nature of "America First" - The concept of "America First" is portrayed as a consistent theme in U.S. foreign policy, driven by a desire to maintain hegemony and respond to perceived threats to national interests [7][8]. - Analysts suggest that the current administration's more blatant embrace of "America First" reflects a response to declining U.S. power and rising anxieties among the elite and the general populace [8]. - The article posits that the roots of Trump's policies can be traced back to historical U.S. expansionism and a self-serving interpretation of democracy that justifies unilateral actions on the global stage [8].