以下文章来源于文化纵横 ，作者牛可 文化纵横 . 倡导文化重建，共同思想未来，发掘不一样的深度阅读。 当地时间6日、7日，美国移民与海关执法局等联邦机构在加州洛杉矶、纽约曼哈顿等地针对非法移 民展开执法行动，引发了大量街头对峙和冲突。面对骚乱，特朗普7日下令向洛杉矶部署国民警卫 队，称要"解放洛杉矶"。有分析指出，近日美国在移民问题上的高压政策并非偶然，而是特朗普稳住 选民基本盘、兑现竞选承诺的必然结果。那么，特朗普的核心支持者MAGA群体对移民问题存在何 种倾向？ 本文指出，这类由工人、农民和小城镇居民构成的群体，因经济竞争和文化焦虑孕育出对移民和外来 影响的持久敌意。在对外政策上，MAGA群体往往基于朴素的现实主义思维，奉行孤立主义。二战 后，这种草根美国人脑中根深蒂固的、直觉式的、情感性的孤立主义被自由国际主义议程所掩盖。然 而孤立主义没有消失，在产业-社会结构不可逆的历史变迁之下，它随特朗普的出现重新抬头。与此 同时，在对外政策上曾排斥基层民众的精英政治已演变为党派化的民粹政治，白人孤立主义的基因得 以从历史深处走向政治前台。 作者指出，特朗普的上台不是对历史常态的一次偏离，支持特朗普上台的MAGA群 ...

Group 1 - The article discusses the unprecedented impact of Trump's second term on U.S. domestic and foreign policies, highlighting a significant deviation from traditional norms and unpredictability in his diplomatic approach [1][2] - Trump's political base, characterized by populism and anti-establishment sentiments, is identified as a driving force behind his foreign policy, suggesting that the preferences of this group may shape policy outcomes more than in his first term [2][3] - The historical context of the MAGA movement is explored, linking it to past populist movements in American history, which were often marked by isolationist tendencies and a rejection of elite influence [3][4][5] Group 2 - The article outlines the sociological characteristics of Trump's supporters, primarily consisting of lower-income, less-educated individuals from rural areas, who exhibit strong nationalist and anti-globalization sentiments [3][4] - It emphasizes the emotional and cultural factors that contribute to the MAGA group's political identity, including a deep-seated distrust of elites and a preference for local over international concerns [10][11] - The article notes a historical pattern of isolationism among similar groups, suggesting that current trends may reflect a resurgence of these sentiments in response to perceived failures of international engagement [28][29] Group 3 - The article highlights a shift in public opinion regarding U.S. involvement in international affairs, with a growing preference for domestic issues over foreign policy, particularly among Republican supporters [28][29] - It discusses the implications of this shift for future U.S. foreign policy, indicating a potential move towards isolationism and a reduction in international commitments [30][31] - The article also points out the influence of social media in amplifying the voices of the MAGA movement, facilitating a more organized expression of their political views [25][26]

Group 1 - The article discusses President Trump's measures against Harvard University, including cutting federal funding and intervening in admissions policies, which has sparked widespread attention [1] - There is a notable divide in public opinion on Trump's actions, with some supporting the measures from ideological perspectives, viewing Harvard as a bastion of "leftist" ideology and blaming it for various societal issues [2][6] - The sentiment against elite institutions like Harvard is rooted in a long-standing tradition of anti-intellectualism in American society, as explored in Richard Hofstadter's book "Anti-intellectualism in American Life" [4][5] Group 2 - Hofstadter distinguishes between "intellect" and "intelligence," highlighting how practical intelligence is valued in American culture, while critical and reflective intellect is often marginalized [5] - The book illustrates how anti-intellectualism manifests across various sectors, including religion, politics, business culture, and education, revealing a recurring social sentiment against intellectualism [6] - The backlash against Harvard and similar institutions reflects a deeper cultural current of anti-elitism and skepticism towards higher education, which can undermine public reasoning and critical thinking [6] Group 3 - Michael Sandel's "The Tyranny of Merit" provides a counterpoint to the critique of anti-intellectualism by examining the responsibilities of elites and the ethical dilemmas of meritocracy [8][9] - Sandel argues that the obsession with meritocracy creates divisions and resentment, as it leads to a lack of empathy for those who struggle, framing their failures as personal shortcomings rather than systemic issues [10][11] - The phenomenon of Trump can be seen as a reaction to the arrogance of elites, with Harvard representing a microcosm of broader societal issues related to privilege and inequality [11] Group 4 - The economic context surrounding Trump's actions is explored through the lens of two books that address public misconceptions about economic issues, including immigration and trade [12][13] - "Good Economics for Hard Times" by Abhijit Banerjee and Esther Duflo aims to clarify economic narratives and correct misunderstandings that contribute to societal tensions [13][14] - The book emphasizes the importance of equitable distribution and the pursuit of human welfare, providing a framework for understanding the economic backdrop of political sentiments [15] Group 5 - "Strangers in Their Own Land" by Arlie Russell Hochschild delves into the individual experiences of conservative communities, revealing their feelings of alienation and betrayal in the face of social change [17][18] - Hochschild's research highlights the emotional narratives that shape political views, particularly among those who feel overlooked by the government and societal progress [19] - The parallels between Hochschild's findings and the sentiments of Trump's supporters illustrate a broader trend of discontent among marginalized groups in America [19] Group 6 - Richard Hofstadter's "The Paranoid Style in American Politics" provides historical context for understanding the rhetoric and mobilization strategies seen in Trump's political discourse [22][23] - The book traces the "paranoid style" in American politics, characterized by exaggerated fears and conspiratorial thinking, which resonates with contemporary political narratives [24] - This historical perspective helps to analyze the emotional and rhetorical underpinnings of Trump's support, revealing a pattern of distrust and division in American political culture [24] Group 7 - Karl Marx's "The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte" offers insights into the dynamics of power and class struggle, relevant for understanding Trump's rise and governance style [26][27] - Marx's analysis of political maneuvering amidst class conflict provides a framework for examining how Trump appeals to disaffected groups while potentially serving elite interests [28][29] - The book's exploration of historical patterns of political authority and social division can inform contemporary discussions about populism and elite dynamics in the U.S. [29]

和传播学学者刘海龙一起，回顾我们这一年的精神状态。 编辑丨钱杨 黄俊杰 赛博朋克世界已经降临——不用脑机接口，无须在耳后插优盘。在中国，每一天，9 亿人接入微信，平均 花去 1 小时 42 分钟，7 亿多人在抖音、4 亿多人在快手各刷 2 小时。还有微博、B 站、小红书等若干 "小" 平台各吸入上亿人半小时至一个半小时不等。这还没有算拼多多、淘宝、支付宝、美团等内置视频、善用 游戏化设计的"工具"平台，它们的娱乐性堪比迪士尼，让人沉湎其中。 牛津大学出版社发起、数万网民投票选择 "brain rot"（脑腐）作为年度词，主流网民可能倍感亲切。这个 词特指过量浏览低质量信息，导致一个人精神或智力状态恶化。 网络短剧今年市场规模超过电影行业，超出科幻作家想象力的现实题材剧本被塞到数亿人眼前，成为脑腐 的最新证明。但少被讨论的是，影视公司的内容创作会上早就在说 "得抖音者得天下"，现在只是再多考虑 一下 "长剧短剧化"。 文丨曾梦龙 数字与现实被疫情和短视频加速融合。中国国家统计局今年 10 月公布的第三次全国时间利用调查公报显 示，中国网民（约 11 亿）每天上网时间平均为 5 小时 37 分钟，已经是 2018 ...