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劳动力报告:东三省不再是全国劳动力最老省份 内蒙古居首
Di Yi Cai Jing· 2025-12-14 01:50
"辽宁人口实现净增长,主要归因于人口迁移流动。目前其出生人口仍少于死亡人口,但由于辽宁近年 来推出一系列有力政策,例如较具吸引力的人才政策,吸引了部分高学历人才。同时,辽宁营商环境持 续优化,资本投入增加,就业机会与环境逐步改善,外流人口开始回流。相比外出,在辽发展的性价比 更高。"辽宁大学公共管理学院人口、资源与环境中心主任宋丽敏对第一财经分析称。 根据辽宁省2023年国民经济和社会发展统计公报,该年度辽宁省际净流入人口达8.6万人,扭转了自 2012年以来连续11年人口省际净流出的趋势。 类似地,2023年《吉林省国民经济和社会发展统计公报》显示,全省常住人口为2339.41万人,较上年 末净减少15.37万人。尽管人口仍在减少,但与往年(如2021年减少24万、2022年减少27万)相比,降 幅已明显收窄,外流速度减缓。此外,根据长春市官方发布的信息,2023年全市引进并留住高校毕业生 首次突破10万人,达到10.2万人。 曾连续多年占据全国劳动力平均年龄最高位置的东北三省,排名近期出现变化,内蒙古成为当前全国劳 动力平均年龄最老的省份。 12月14日,中央财经大学人力资本与劳动经济研究中心发布《中国人 ...
澳门:10月整体行业增加值总额同比实质上升8.2% 第三产业增加值总额为3658.8亿澳门元
Zhi Tong Cai Jing· 2025-11-29 07:25
Core Viewpoint - The overall industry value added in Macau is projected to increase by 8.2% year-on-year to MOP 384.54 billion in 2024, indicating a continued economic recovery [1] Group 1: Industry Value Added - The value added by the tertiary sector (services, including wholesale and retail, food and beverage, finance, and gaming) is expected to reach MOP 365.88 billion, while the secondary sector (industry and construction) is projected at MOP 18.66 billion [1] - The tertiary sector's contribution to the overall industry value added is anticipated to be 95.1%, an increase of 0.8 percentage points from 2023, while the secondary sector's share will be 4.9% [1] - The non-gaming sector's value added is expected to account for 56.7% of the total value added, up by 7.8 percentage points compared to 2019 [1] Group 2: Income Distribution - In terms of initial income distribution, production and import taxes are projected to reach MOP 97.1 billion, with a year-on-year increase of 21.4% [1] - Operating surplus is expected to be MOP 155.03 billion, reflecting a 3.6% increase year-on-year [1] - Employee compensation is projected at MOP 133.31 billion, with a year-on-year growth of 6.1% [1] - The shares of these components in the local GDP are expected to be 25.2% for production and import taxes, 40.2% for operating surplus, and 34.6% for employee compensation [1]
日本专家向高市早苗献策,拿出当年对付韩国的招数,只要日本敢用,中方自然服软?
Sou Hu Cai Jing· 2025-11-26 05:37
Economic Impact on Japan - Recent comments regarding Japan's economy and its relationship with China have sharply deteriorated, leading to significant economic damage for Japan [1] - The USD/JPY exchange rate has approached the "market rescue red line" of 160, with the stock market and government bonds continuing to decline, exacerbating investor panic [1] - China's countermeasures, such as halting imports of Japanese seafood and beef negotiations, have further weakened Japan's already fragile economy [1] Japan-China Relations - Many Japanese right-wing figures are advocating for a "counterattack" against China, drawing parallels to Japan's previous actions against South Korea [4] - The notion that Japan can apply similar pressure on China as it did with South Korea is considered misguided due to the fundamental differences in their industrial structures [4] - Japan's past export controls on South Korea were effective because South Korea lacked strong countermeasures, a situation that does not apply to China [4] Semiconductor Market Dynamics - China accounts for over 35% of global semiconductor demand, and losing this market would result in substantial economic losses for Japan, with some core companies deriving up to 40% of their revenue from China [6] - China's semiconductor industry has shown resilience and innovation in response to international sanctions, with new companies actively developing high-end materials [6] - Japan's reliance on pressure tactics may backfire, as China's self-sufficiency in semiconductor materials continues to improve [6] Strategic Considerations - Japan's previous strategies against South Korea may not be applicable in the current Japan-China economic relationship, as unilateral pressure could provoke retaliation and lead to self-inflicted damage [8] - The complexity of global economic interdependence necessitates a more nuanced approach, rather than a simplistic application of past tactics [8] - Both Japan and China should consider how to achieve a mutually beneficial outcome through dialogue and cooperation, rather than escalating tensions [8]
江苏增速为何比广东快?
首席商业评论· 2025-11-22 03:36
Core Viewpoint - The article discusses the economic competition between Guangdong and Jiangsu provinces, highlighting the narrowing GDP gap and the reasons behind Jiangsu's faster growth compared to Guangdong [4][6][18]. Economic Data Summary - In Q3 2025, Guangdong's GDP reached 10.52 trillion, while Jiangsu's was 10.28 trillion, with a gap of only 236.6 billion [5][6]. - Jiangsu's GDP growth rate is higher than Guangdong's, attributed to differences in industrial structure, with Jiangsu focusing more on B2B industries [7][10]. Industrial Structure Analysis - Guangdong's economy is more consumer-oriented (To C), excelling in sectors like mobile phones and home appliances, while Jiangsu is stronger in industrial intermediate goods (To B) like integrated circuits and solar cells [10][11]. - The impact of external market fluctuations is more pronounced on Guangdong due to its higher exposure to consumer preferences [10][11]. Real Estate Impact - The slowdown in Guangdong's growth is linked to the decline of key cities like Guangzhou and Foshan, heavily affected by the real estate downturn [11][12]. - In 2024, real estate investment in Jiangsu decreased by 10.3%, while Guangdong saw a sharper decline of 18.2% [11]. Comparative Economic Indicators - Despite Jiangsu's GDP growth, Guangdong leads in several economic indicators, including fiscal revenue, bank deposits, and the number of listed companies [13][14]. - Guangdong's tax revenue in 2023 was 21,638 billion, significantly higher than Jiangsu's 15,586.8 billion [14][15]. Innovation and Research - Guangdong's Shenzhen-Hong Kong-Guangzhou innovation cluster ranks first globally, indicating strong technological transformation capabilities [15]. - However, Jiangsu shows higher research output, as reflected in the "2025 Natural Index" rankings [15]. Population and Fiscal Challenges - Guangdong has a larger population (127.8 million) compared to Jiangsu (85.26 million), but its per capita fiscal expenditure is lower, indicating potential challenges in public service provision [18][19]. - The high influx of migrant workers in Guangdong adds pressure on public services, which may not be adequately addressed [19].
江苏增速为何比广东快?
3 6 Ke· 2025-11-20 02:44
Core Insights - The economic competition between major provinces in China, particularly Guangdong and Jiangsu, is intensifying, with Jiangsu showing faster GDP growth compared to Guangdong [2][4][15] Economic Performance - In Q3 2025, Guangdong's GDP reached 10.52 trillion, while Jiangsu's was 10.28 trillion, with a narrowing gap of 2.37 billion [3][4] - Jiangsu's GDP growth rate was 3.6% nominally and 5.4% in real terms, while Guangdong's was 2.9% nominally and 4.1% in real terms [2][3] Industry Structure - The difference in growth rates is attributed to the industrial structures of the two provinces, with Guangdong focusing more on consumer-oriented (To C) industries and Jiangsu on business-oriented (To B) industries [5][7] - To C industries are more susceptible to market fluctuations, while To B industries tend to have more stable demand due to long-term business relationships [7][8] Real Estate Impact - The real estate sector has a more significant negative impact on Guangdong, with a projected decline of 18.2% in 2024 compared to Jiangsu's 10.3% [9][10] Fiscal and Economic Indicators - Guangdong leads in various economic indicators, including tax revenue, with 21,638 billion in 2023 compared to Jiangsu's 15,586.8 billion [10][13] - Guangdong has a higher number of listed companies and a greater total market capitalization compared to Jiangsu [13][14] Innovation and Research - Guangdong's tech innovation cluster, including Shenzhen, Hong Kong, and Guangzhou, ranks first globally, indicating strong technological transformation capabilities [12][14] - Jiangsu, however, has a higher research output compared to Guangdong, as indicated by the "2025 Natural Index" [12] Population and Public Spending - Guangdong has a larger population (127.8 million) compared to Jiangsu (85.26 million), but its per capita fiscal spending is lower, indicating potential challenges in public service provision [17][18] - The high influx of migrant workers in Guangdong adds pressure on public services, which may not be adequately addressed [18]
各国通胀有差异,为何我国经常发生通胀,而日本几乎不会?结果令人意外
Sou Hu Cai Jing· 2025-11-15 18:11
Core Insights - The inflation differences between China and Japan reflect the distinct stages of economic development and national conditions, making it difficult to determine absolute superiority [1] - Japan's long-term price stability is influenced by factors such as aging population and sluggish economic growth, while China's moderate inflation indicates economic vitality and potential [1] Inflation Rates - Over the past decade, China's average inflation rate was approximately 2.3%, while Japan's was only 0.8%, leading to a 25% increase in Chinese prices compared to an 8% increase in Japan [2] - Over a 30-year period, Japan's price levels have remained nearly unchanged since the early 1990s, with instances of deflation [2] Demographic Factors - Japan has the highest aging population globally, with over 29% aged 65 and above, resulting in low consumption demand and high savings rates [2] - In contrast, China's labor force aged 16-59 constitutes 61.2% of the total population, driving strong consumption demand [2] Economic Growth - Rapid economic growth typically correlates with higher inflation due to increased investment, employment, and consumer demand [3] - Japan has experienced low growth rates averaging around 0.7% from 2014 to 2024, leading to weak overall demand and limited inflationary pressure [3] - China has maintained high growth rates, with a projected GDP growth of approximately 5% in 2024, contributing to inflationary pressures [3] Monetary Policy - Japan's central bank has implemented ultra-loose monetary policies, including zero and negative interest rates, but these have not effectively stimulated inflation due to demographic and growth factors [4] - Japan's M2 money supply grew by only about 35% from 2014 to 2024, indicating low monetary expansion [4] - Conversely, China's M2 money supply increased by approximately 115% during the same period, suggesting greater inflationary pressure [5] Industrial Structure - Japan's highly industrialized and efficient economy allows for productivity gains that can offset cost increases, with manufacturing productivity rising by about 2.1% annually from 2020 to 2025 [5] - China's industrialization is still in progress, leading to more noticeable price increases [5] Housing Market - China's housing market has seen significant price increases over the past two decades, affecting overall consumer prices through direct and indirect channels [6] - Japan's real estate market has remained subdued since the bubble burst, contributing to stable price levels [6] Consumer Behavior - Japanese consumers are highly price-sensitive, which limits companies' ability to raise prices easily [8] - In contrast, Chinese consumers have developed higher inflation expectations, leading to anticipatory consumption that can drive prices up [10] Globalization and Government Regulation - Japan benefits from a global economic structure that allows for low-cost imports and high-value exports, influencing its inflation dynamics [10] - China faces greater pressure from international market fluctuations, impacting its inflation levels [10] - Both countries have different approaches to price monitoring and regulation, with Japan having a more established system [10] Social Welfare Systems - Japan's comprehensive social welfare system helps stabilize prices, while China's system is still developing, leading to higher price pressures in healthcare and education [11]
世界首次五百强断崖差:日本149家,美国151家,中国3家,现在呢
Sou Hu Cai Jing· 2025-11-08 13:12
Core Insights - The 1995 Fortune Global 500 list highlighted a significant disparity between Chinese, American, and Japanese companies, with only 3 Chinese firms compared to 151 American and 149 Japanese firms, indicating a stark economic gap that has since narrowed significantly by 2025, with 130 Chinese firms compared to 138 American and 38 Japanese firms [1][3][11] Group 1: Historical Context - In 1995, the three Chinese companies listed were primarily state-owned enterprises in the oil and banking sectors, with revenues significantly lower than the leading American firm, Walmart, by nearly six times [3][5] - The economic landscape of the 1990s saw American companies dominating the high-value sectors, while Japanese firms excelled in mid-tier manufacturing, leaving Chinese firms at the lower end of the value chain [3][5] Group 2: Economic Shifts - The entry of China into the WTO in 2001 marked a turning point, leading to a surge in exports and significant infrastructure development, with highway construction increasing from 9,580 kilometers to 190,000 kilometers and high-speed rail reaching 42,000 kilometers [10][11] - By 2025, Chinese companies had expanded their presence in the Global 500, with notable firms like State Grid and PetroChina maintaining strong positions, while private enterprises like BYD and Xiaomi emerged as global competitors [10][11] Group 3: Current Landscape - The top seven American companies, including Apple and Microsoft, generated revenues of $2 trillion and profits of $484 billion, representing a substantial portion of the Global 500 list [9] - Despite challenges such as rising national debt and trade tensions, American firms continue to rely heavily on financial services, leading to concerns about the hollowing out of the manufacturing sector [9][11] Group 4: Future Outlook - The transformation of Chinese companies from low-end manufacturing to high-tech and financial sectors reflects a significant shift in global economic power dynamics, with China now leading in areas like renewable energy and 5G technology [11][13] - The 2025 Global 500 list serves as a testament to the resilience and adaptability of Chinese firms, showcasing their ability to compete on a global scale and reshape industry standards [11][13]
主流经济学产业结构 论调局限在哪
Sou Hu Cai Jing· 2025-10-30 22:21
Core Argument - The mainstream economic view that prioritizes the development of productive services as the leading industry is outdated; instead, a strong manufacturing sector, particularly high-end manufacturing, is essential for a country's economic strength and competitiveness [1][2][3]. Group 1: Historical Context and Economic Theories - Historically, no country has become a global power solely through services; all strong nations have relied on manufacturing [3]. - The "Pietro-Clark Theorem" suggests that as income rises, labor shifts from primary to secondary and then to tertiary industries, but this view has misled global industrial structure adjustments [1][3]. - The U.S. began to refocus on manufacturing as a strategic economic initiative during the Obama administration, indicating a shift back to prioritizing manufacturing [2]. Group 2: Importance of Manufacturing - The rise of the Netherlands in the 17th century was closely tied to its manufacturing strength, particularly in textiles, which was later undermined by an overemphasis on commerce and finance [3]. - The experience of Hong Kong illustrates that a lack of strong manufacturing can limit economic development, despite having competitive service sectors [4]. - A robust manufacturing base is crucial for national security; countries without strong manufacturing capabilities risk vulnerability [4]. Group 3: Current Global Trends - The global competition for economic dominance is increasingly centered on high-end and advanced manufacturing sectors, with major developed countries vying for resources in these areas [2][5]. - The U.S. maintains a competitive edge in high-end manufacturing, particularly in defense and aerospace, as evidenced by the production of advanced military aircraft [4]. - The urgency for China to develop a manufacturing-centric industrial system is emphasized, highlighting a consensus on the importance of this strategy for long-term economic stability [5].
第三套人民币珍藏册:一个时代的经济记忆与收藏瑰宝
Sou Hu Cai Jing· 2025-10-28 02:23
Core Insights - The third set of Renminbi (RMB) is a significant artifact in China's monetary history, reflecting the economic changes of the mid-20th century and serving as a medium of exchange and a historical record [1][2] Historical Background - The third set of RMB was issued on April 20, 1962, and remained in circulation for 38 years until July 1, 2000, making it the longest-circulating RMB set [2] - It was introduced during a period of economic adjustment, aimed at stabilizing the financial order and supporting economic development [2] - The design and issuance of the third set reflect the spirit of self-reliance and hard work, showcasing China's industrial achievements and collective ideals [2] Composition of the Collection - The "Third Set of RMB Collection Album" features a comprehensive collection of major banknotes and coins, emphasizing a complete collection system of "paper money + coins" [5] Paper Money Section - The 10 yuan note symbolizes political ideals with its imagery of the People's Congress, while the 5 yuan note represents industrial enthusiasm through the depiction of steelworkers [5][8] - The 2 yuan note features a lathe worker, reflecting mechanical industry development, and the 1 yuan note highlights agricultural mechanization with the image of a female tractor driver [8] - The 5角 note showcases textile workers, emphasizing the importance of light industry [8] - The 2角 note symbolizes infrastructure achievements with the Wuhan Yangtze River Bridge, and the 1角 note is notable for its various rare editions [11] - The fractional notes (5分, 2分, 1分) are categorized into "long-number" and "no-number" types, with the former being particularly valuable due to limited circulation [11] Coin Section - The collection includes hard coins issued from the 1950s to the 1990s, made from aluminum-magnesium alloy, featuring simple designs with the national emblem [11] Collectible Value - The collection's value is driven by its historical significance, artistic value, and market scarcity [14] - Each banknote and coin serves as a historical artifact, encapsulating specific societal memories and achievements [14] - The artistic design merges political and aesthetic elements, showcasing significant industrial and agricultural imagery [14] - Market scarcity has led to high prices for well-preserved sets, with some rare items exceeding 500,000 yuan in value [17][18] Cultural Significance - The collection transcends mere collectibles, acting as a narrative of contemporary Chinese history [18][21] - It reflects the value orientations and aesthetic tastes of mid-20th century China, showcasing labor and national identity [21] - The collection serves as primary data for analyzing monetary circulation, price levels, and industrial structure during the planned economy era [21] - It has fostered a culture of collecting and appreciation for currency as a historical and artistic medium, shifting from curiosity-driven to research-oriented collecting [21]
为什么长三角是世界级城市群,而珠三角不是?
Sou Hu Cai Jing· 2025-10-09 01:28
Economic Overview - The Yangtze River Delta (YRD) has a GDP approaching 30 trillion yuan in 2022, accounting for nearly one-quarter of the national total, surpassing the economic scale of Japan's Pacific coastal cities and comparable to New York metropolitan area [2] - In contrast, the Pearl River Delta (PRD) has a GDP of over 13 trillion yuan, which is approximately 45% of the YRD's total [2] Regional Development and Infrastructure - The YRD benefits from the Yangtze River basin as a vast hinterland, forming a "core-hinterland" gradient development pattern, with Shanghai as the leading city and Jiangsu, Zhejiang, and Anhui as supporting regions [2] - The PRD, while relying on the Pearl River, has limited hinterland expansion due to geographical barriers, primarily radiating its influence within South China [2] Industrial Structure - The YRD exhibits a dual-driven structure of "manufacturing powerhouse + innovation hub," with diverse industries including finance, shipping, and advanced manufacturing [3] - The YRD has established complete industrial chains in emerging sectors such as integrated circuits, biomedicine, and artificial intelligence, positioning itself as a national strategic technology force [3] - The PRD, known for its tech innovation in Shenzhen and advanced manufacturing in Dongguan, remains overly reliant on electronics manufacturing, making it vulnerable to global industry fluctuations [3][4] Collaborative Mechanisms - The integration of the YRD has become a national strategy, with mature collaborative mechanisms that break down administrative barriers, fostering cooperation among the three provinces and one city [3][4] - The YRD's cities are gradually forming a "quasi-same-city" development pattern through improved market systems and public service networks [4] Talent and Cultural Strength - The YRD boasts eight "Double First-Class" universities, facilitating a talent market that promotes free movement and efficient allocation of human resources [5] - The cultural heritage of the YRD, combined with its educational resources, enhances its soft power and sustainable development capabilities [5] - The PRD, while rich in Lingnan culture, lags in high-end talent reserves and cultural soft power compared to the YRD, impacting its long-term innovation capacity [5] Global Competitiveness - The YRD is emerging as a world-class urban agglomeration, characterized by economic scale, diverse industries, regional integration, talent attraction, and cultural depth [6] - The PRD, supported by the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area strategy, is accelerating its development in technology innovation and international openness, showcasing strong vitality in these areas [6] - Both urban clusters represent different models of regional economic development, with the YRD focusing on breadth and depth, while the PRD emphasizes speed and sharpness [6]